This is a ~2.5k word essay written for the module SE3211: Ethnicity and Religion in Southeast Asia exploring the relationship between religious extremism and religious conflict at the inter- and intra-religious level through case studies. I stand by my argument that at the end of the day, religion is but one factor in a person's psyche. Even with an ideology/ belief that one holds fast to, this ideology can manifest in many ways, be it through violence or diplomacy. How it is practised is influenced by many other factors often unaccounted for. Thank you for reading my essay if you do! Grade: A
Can religious conflict (whether inter or intra) be explained by the rise of religious extremism? Why?
Can religious conflict (whether inter or intra) be explained by the rise of religious extremism? Why?
“This is a Religious War”, was a title of an
article published by the New York Times Magazine in 2001 (Sullivan,
2001). It not only declared the religious dimension as
central to aggression and conflict post 9/11, it also expressed apprehension for
faiths of all kinds with creeping levels of religious extremism.
This raises two questions that frame this
paper’s argument. How ‘religious’ are these religious conflicts, or to put in
another way, what is the basis for religious conflict, and is it caused by religious
extremism?
This paper will argue that the rise of
religious extremism does not fully explain for the occurrence of both
inter-religious and intra-religious conflict, as the basis for religious
conflict is hardly a religious one. As such, it is religious extremism tied
with other external non-religious factors that deepen the schism between a much
broader sense of ‘us’ and ‘them’. For inter-religious conflicts such as the Christian minority in Malaysia, identity and conflict are often to do with issues of
ethnicity and nationalism. For intra-religious conflicts such as the
persecution of Shias in an ASWJ-dominated Malaysia, it is commonly linked to
the threat of political ideology and authority.
However, in comparing the characteristics of
inter-religious and intra-religious conflicts, inter-religious conflicts are
more susceptible to escalation with the rise of religious extremism due to (1)
greater perceived differences with its inextricable ties to ethnicity and (2)
greater salience with the rise of globalization and media that effectively deepen
the schism between “’us’ and ‘them’, breeding the grounds for conflict.
Religious Extremism, Identity and
Conflict
There is little consensus on the definition of
religious extremism. This term is commonly used to refer to fundamentalism,
radicalism and fanaticism. For the purposes of this paper, it will define
religious extremism as the desire to increase the strictness, detail and scope
of religious law and practice. This can take the form of a process or an
institution.
While the rise in religious extremism can culminate in violent acts such
as terrorism and ethnic genocide, it can also mean that more people are behaving
in a more religiously extreme fashion or that there is an increase in numbers
and/or influence of religiously extreme groups (Liebman, 1983). Underlying these are reinforced ideas, perceptions and
consciousness of the religious self – and inadvertently the non-religious self.
These identities are split between the ‘us’ and ‘them’ mentality that is at the
heart of conflict.
Many conflicts contain
identity-based components, but are often not immediately observable or
acknowledged (Wondolleck, Gray, Bryan, 2003). Therefore,
while tempting to simply draw boundaries along religious lines, one cannot
assume these categories to be static, primordial and self-explanatory. As much as extremists “live in but
not of the world”, religion and its members do not exist in a vacuum and
are not immune to sociological, cultural and political forces. While
acknowledging fundamental theological differences, identities of the self and
perception of the other is an amalgamation and blend of stereotypes, contextual
influences aspirations and values, where religion is but one factor in identity
and conflict (Wondolleck, Gray, Bryan, 2003). Using cases of inter-religious and
intra-religious conflicts, the next two sections seeks to elaborate on the
stronger non-religious dimension fueling ‘religious’ conflict that religious
extremism cannot solely account for.
The section following will evaluate how inter-
and intra-religious identity and conflict is perceived and framed to conclude
that the nature of inter-religious conflict is more vulnerable to escalation
with the rise of religious extremism.
Inter-religious
Conflicts; Not Just a Religious Conflict
The Kelabit and Lun Bawang are Christian
minorities in a Muslim-dominated Malaysia. Numerically inferior and
geographically distant from the center of the Peninsula, the Kelabit and Lun
Bawang perceive a growing disadvantage with the state-sponsored Islamic revival
throughout Malaysia (Bala, 2014). However, the sense of unease and
threat that arises in the face of growing extremism is undergirded by their feelings
of ethnic, cultural and political disadvantage. While article 11 of the
Malaysian Constitution acknowledges the freedom to practice one’s religion,
Malaysia is not a secular state and officially recognizes Islam as the religion
of the Federation. What is notable is that this conceptualization of Islam is
heavily intertwined with ethnicity. Article 160 declares that to be recognized
as a “Malay”, the ethnically dominant group, one must practice religion, along
with speaking the Malay language and conforming to Malay custom. This additional
emphasis on the Malay ethnicity, language and culture that must be embraced by
the Muslim creates a double-barreled but inextricably infused Malay-Muslim
identity. The notion of Ketuanan Melayu (Malay supremacy) gives
preferential treatment under the law to Malay Muslims, such as promotion and
scholarship, at the expense of other ethnic groups. As a result, the move
towards more extreme Islamization causes fears such as Christian’s decreasing
role in the national integration discourse and its implications on their legal
system, education, culture and general way of life, beyond the concern of the
freedom to practice one’s religion (Bala, 2014). While clashes
have yet to be realized, there are real concerns festering amongst Christians that
are not only on Islamic dominance but of Malay racial and cultural
superiority.
Intra-religious
Conflicts; Not Just a Religious Conflict
The state
seeks to support a homogenous version of Islam, Ahlus Sunnah Wal Jamaah
(ASWJ) and takes a harsh stance against other Islamic variants such as Shiism,
resorting to legal and authoritative means to detain those it deems as
‘deviant’. Despite the individual’s freedom to practice their own religion
enshrined in the constitution, this right and religious tolerance is not
extended to the Shias by the religious authorities. While part of the conflict
is based on growing intolerance towards differing religious theology, the
manner in which the state approaches Shias is less as a religious conflict but more
as a national security issue and a threat to political and religious
authorities. Interestingly, the arrest of 200 Muslims in
2010 who were members of an allegedly Shia-leaning religious group was managed
through the Internal Security Act (ISA) and not by handled by the shari’a court
that typically attends to the religious affairs in Malaysia. They were detained for reasons such as
hindering religious harmony and Malaysia’s political and economic development (Juan, 2014). Two
interesting contradictions can be drawn from this. Firstly, given the few and
insignificant numbers of Shias both internationally and in Malaysia, they
numerically pose little threat to the nation’s security that does not justify
the disproportionate amount of given to the dangerous presence of these
radicals. Secondly, this exclusive treatment towards the Shias is contradictory
to the religious principles taught in the Qu’ran on Islam. Islam emphasizes the
value of diversity and inclusivity both to people of different religions and
even of different opinions. The persecution of Shias goes against the pluralism
preached in Islam and are not theologically justified, challenging the religious
basis of conflict.
Rather, one can postulate that Shiism poses a threat to ASWJ’s Islam-dominated political ideology and authority, less so the religious one. Religious divisions of “ASWJ” and “Shias” are less so at the crux of the conflict, but serve as categories that have only recently been politically and practically constructed through a process of selective reading on Islamic scholarship, history and opinion (Juan, 2014). A greater display of religious extremism, therefore, does not fully encapsulate these political agendas and concerns that exist beneath simple issues of theological incompatibility.
Us
vs Them Identity Frames
As argued
above, the rise in religious extremism does not directly cause religious conflict
for both inter-religious conflict and intra-religious conflict. Instead, I
propose that in knowing how dynamic identity frames can be understood, we are
then better able to compare whether inter-religious conflict or intra-religious
conflict are more likely to worsen with the rise of religious extremism. While
there are some inherently incompatible identities and truths within each
specific religion that cannot be reconciled with, for the most part, religious
identities only remain descriptive, fairly neutral and are not mobilized until
it is framed in terms of ‘us’ and ‘them’ (Wondolleck, Gray, Bryan,
2003). Framing has a large influence over how people view themselves vis-à-vis
the other, that has great potential to start – or subdue – conflict. This
dynamic nature of identity frames has two characteristics.
Firstly,
identity is very dependent on external circumstances and contextual changes.
Factors extrinsic to said identity can influence one’s perception of the self
and the other. As explained above, religious conflict and identities may not
always be about religion but based on other factors such as nationalism,
ethnicity, geography, institutions such as the constitution and the governance
under the state. In the case of the Kelabit and Lun Bawang Christian
minorities, many are wary of the special privilege given to ethnically Malay,
that is enshrined in the constitution.
Secondly,
these external circumstances impact the salience of an identity. Although
individuals normally carry multiple identities, such as a male, a mother, a
son, a graduate student, a lawyer, a Muslim, one’s external environment can
heighten the salience of an identity. The more or less salient an identity
becomes can effectively escalate or subside conflicts. State-sponsored violence,
police brutality against an ethnic group, an armed rebellion and even the
presence of media can play a large role in influencing the salience of an
identity.
Identity and
conflict can transform rapidly during times of crisis – including the rise of
religious extremism – depending on the form it takes and the nature of
identities present. It is therefore too simplistic to say that a shift towards
greater religiosity would necessarily lead to greater religious conflict. The
last section will evaluate the nature of inter-religious and intra-religious
conflict with the framework of dynamic identity frames that are contextually
dependent and subject to salience to conclude which is more vulnerable to
religious extremism.
Comparing
Inter-Religious and Intra-Religious Conflicts
Intra-religious
conflicts are created when there are differing theological convictions, world
views and religious understandings of social order existing within single
religious communities. Intra-religious rivalries and competition can
factionalize religious communities into different sects and denominations, lead
under religious elites. Their main goals are usually to forward their
theological positions and improve their access to organizational and material resources
(Juan, 2014). However, for
the case of Shiism in Malaysia, it is unlikely that conflict between Shias and
ASWJ will escalate even with the rise of greater state-sanctioned religious
extremism.
Firstly, the
dominant ASWJ version of Islam is heavily supported and safeguarded by the
state. This is evidenced with the greater centralization of the ulama (Muslim
scholars) in Islamic religious bureaucracies to formulate “Islamic” policies
and fatwa and bring society back to the orthodox Islamic doctrines of
ASWJ. Due to this environment of heavy state regulation of Islam, this gives
Shiism and its followers very little salience and space to expand.
Secondly, due to the complex overlap of the Malay ethnicity and Islam, it would be harder to tell Muslim-Malay followers from a sect of Islam like Shiism apart from other ASWJ, who also speak the Malay language and follow Malay customs – at least from the surface level. Intra-religious communities share more commonalities than inter-religious communities would and conflicts would be easier to resolve in the face of religious extremism as the perceived differences are lesser.
Conversely,
inter-religious conflicts are arguably more volatile with greater religious
extremism. Compared to other countries, there is relatively lesser inter-religious
conflicts in Malaysia despite the Malay-Muslim majority and narrative of racial
superiority, or at least for violent conflicts. Most religious conflicts take
place in the legal sphere. At the very least, it can be argued that religious
conflict has not yet reached boiling point as there are avenues for political
expression. In contrast, the Rohingyas, an ethnic and Muslim minority in
Myanmar, resorted to violence because of their lack of political and
citizenship rights.
In the case of
the Kelabit and Lun Bawang Christians, it could also be said that due to its
geographical distance from the Peninsula center, it does not face the brunt of
Islamization policies (Saat, 2014).
However, the
inter-religious conflicts receive a lot more attention than intra-religious
conflict due to the media and forces of globalization that creates divisive
narratives of ‘us’ and ‘them’. Media is often quick to sensationalize any kind
of antagonism, often relating it to religion as the source of conflict. Moreover,
religious violence has been gaining more global attention post 9/11. All these
factors serve to increase the salience of especially inter-religious
identities, that makes it vulnerable to escalation and friction when any form
of religious extremism is identified.
Conclusion
While this
paper has not sufficiently considered the outcome of religious cohesion –
rather than religious conflict – with the rise of religious extremism, it
recognizes the possibility. It has also focused on more top-down state-led
forms of religious extremism.
This paper has
argued that the rise in religious extremism is insufficient in explaining for
inter-religious conflict and intra-religious conflict, as very often, these
conflicts are fueled by many other non-religious factors that are overlooked and
not accounted for. Beyond religious identities, it applied the broader concept
of identity between ‘us’ and ‘them’ its dynamic identity frames to explain for
the different levels of conflict. These frames are subject to its external
environment which gives it a degree of saliency, upon which conflicts are – or
are not – acted upon. It concluded that inter-religious conflicts have a higher
tendency to escalate in times of religious extremism given a greater perceived
difference, the media and globalization.
Words: 2426
Bibliography
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